Wednesday, January 9, 2019

Creating Medicare Advantage Premium Support For All, Part 5: Which Proposal Is Actually Medicare?


Editor's Note: This is the fifth post in an ongoing series outlining a comprehensive proposal for Medicare reform and beyond. Previous posts in the series can be found here: Part 1, Part 2Part 3, and Part 4
Now that a report funded by the Koch Brothers™ (do they have a logo?) accidentally fueled the single payer movement by demonstrating a national coverage system would be cheaper than the irrational hodgepodge we have now, it’s important to continue to weigh the evidence regarding which approach to universal coverage would be optimal.
The focal point of the single payer cause is Senator Bernie Sanders’ “Medicare for All” proposal. (Spoiler alert: it’s not actually Medicare. More on that in a minute). While I happen to believe the single payer crowd’s intentions are in the right place, I have to wonder, for starters, whether the arguably most conservative developed nation will adopt one of the most liberal, socialized approaches to health care coverage.
Instead, I continue to believe that a regime that truly leverages the existing Medicare program in a way that minimizes disruption and maximizes market forces will produce the cheapest, highest quality, most sustainable, and – to use a loaded term – American result.
Sanders Plan 101
Perhaps the most interesting thing about the Sanders Medicare for All plan, scooped above, is that it would not actually extend Medicare to everyone. To the contrary, section 901 of his bill would halt all Medicare benefits, effectively repealing the program in its entirety.
Instead, his proposal would institute a wholly new program, with different benefit design and brand new administrative infrastructure. For example, a new list of essential benefits is outlined in the legislation, the elaborate Medicare cost-sharing scheme would be replaced with first dollar coverage, and the prescription drug program would be replaced with a national formulary.
The Sanders plan does make use of Medicare by adopting its provider payment rates, albeit with some modifications. There are a few other cross-references to the program, such as its appeals process, but suffice it to say this is not a proposal about Medicare in any meaningful way.
Some key compelling facets are that there are no premiums and no ongoing employer or state contribution is required to help fund the program, which is why, on the other hand, Sanders has proposed a set of tax increases to pay for it.
The proposal bans commercial or employer coverage that duplicates what it would provide and, in addition to halting Medicare benefits, would do likewise for the Children’s Health Insurance Program, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) exchanges, the Federal Employee Health Benefits Program, and Tricare. It maintains the Indian Health Service and Veterans Health program.
Curiously, with regard to Medicaid, it bars duplicative coverage and repeals the Federal contribution to the program while instituting a new mandate for it to cover long-term care services. I welcome an explanation of this anomaly from the proposals’ supporters, but to me it is one of several indications that the legislation Senator Sanders introduced, and which some notable presidential aspirants have cosponsored, is more of a theoretical outline than a shelf-ready policy.
Medicare Advantage 101
Instead, what if we actually did just expand the stable, beloved Medicare program to include everyone, with emphasis on competition between the traditional benefit and increasingly popular Medicare Advantage plans? In a prior post, I took a closer look at the basic Medicare benefit design. Here, I’d like to explain how the Medicare Advantage (MA), or Part C, program worksand what it could offer to a national coverage regime.
MA carriers are required to cover all traditional Medicare benefits (Parts A and B) and offer at least one plan that includes an accompanying prescription drug (Part D) component. Every year, MA plans submit bids to Medicare based on their projected costs for delivering these benefits.
These bids are compared against county-level benchmarks, which are set at a percentage of projected costs under traditional Medicare. The primary purpose of the benchmarks, which range from 95 to 115 percent, is to draw plans into underserved, primarily rural, parts of the country. (It works – 99 percent of beneficiaries have access to at least one MA plan).
If a plan’s bid is under the benchmark, its base payment rate is that amount, plus a rebate calculated from the difference between their bid and the benchmark. Plans are required to pass through a portion of that rebate to enrollees in the form of additional benefits, such as vision and dental services or lower cost-sharing requirements.
A key strategy that these plans use to reduce costs, which is not deployed in the traditional Medicare program, is limited provider networks. As explained in a prior post, this function lies at the core of why health plans can continue to play an important role in our system. Despite using this leverage vigorously, MA plans typically include about half of the hospitals and physicians in their service area.
If the plan bids above the benchmark, its rate is the benchmark and the difference is passed through to the enrollee in the form of a premium, on top of the standard premium for outpatient (Part B) services that all Medicare enrollees pay (we’ll address subsidies provided to low-income enrollees in another post).
Plan payment is also adjusted based on the demographic factors and health status of their enrollees, quality ratings, and some other even more technical factors that I’ll leave to your own pursuits if you desire.
In 2017, MA plan payments were, on average, equal to the costs of delivering the traditional Medicare benefit. Despite a raft of cuts under the ACA that helped achieve this parity, the program continues to be extremely popular, with one third of Medicare beneficiaries selecting an MA plan in 2018, an 80 percent increase since passage of the cuts.
With regard to stability, the average Medicare enrollee has access to 21 plan options offered by six different carriers in 2018, with 93 percent having access to an HMO and 87 percent to a PPO. The one percent of beneficiaries who live in areas with no plan still of course have access to the traditional Medicare benefit, a helpful fallback and, elsewhere, competitor.
Unlike traditional Medicare, MA plans are required to cap annual enrollee out of pocket spending on outpatient services at $6700. Using those rebates described above, 50 percent of plans offered coverage that caps that liability at below $5000 in 2017. Also, about half of plans were able to eliminate the Part D deductible altogether.
In Other Words…
I don’t think we need a wholly new coverage regime that upends 20 percent of our economy and, with its centralization of decision-making within the federal government, will never earn the broad support necessary to pass, much less make it sustainable.
After the ACA, I think we’re weary of conjuring new coverage regimes from whole cloth. We have plenty in this country already. Let’s pick the one that has proven itself for decades and increasingly leverages competition between commercial carriers and a government administered option to deliver high-value choices to its consumers. In other words: Medicare.

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