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Key insights from
Subliminal: How Your Unconscious Mind
Rules Your Behavior
By
Leonard Mlodinow
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What you’ll learn
Most of us believe we are
in control of the decisions we make and the picture of the world we form.
Leonard Mlodinow argues that recent research in the field of neuroscience
has shown this to be a myth. In Subliminal,
Mlodinow demonstrates the enormous influence that our
unconscious brain exerts over our everyday affairs.
Read
on for key insights from Subliminal: How Your Unconscious Mind Rules Your
Behavior.
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1. Recent findings
show that there is an unconscious after all.
There’s a revolution taking
place in the field of neuroscience, one that’s been mushrooming since the
early 2000s. It’s called social neuroscience. Just as quantum mechanics and
the theory of relativity have replaced Newtonian physics, so recent
breakthroughs in neuroscience are changing the way we understand human
behavior.
While we humans like to
think of ourselves as distinct from and superior to other animals, we—like
fruit flies and tortoises—carry out many behaviors without any prior
deliberation. We see the unconscious at play in the minutia of daily life. For
example, without thinking about it, we instinctively stand closer to people
we know than people we don’t when engaging in a conversation.
Sigmund Freud conducted
experiments to explore the interconnections of the brain, but the available
technology was not sophisticated enough to support his pursuits. He talked
with his patients instead, but was unable to fully access the unconscious.
As a result, Freud’s approach and theories were inaccurate.
Talk about the unconscious
mind was highly speculative for decades, but thanks to technologies that
can isolate the firings of single neurons, we can speak with greater
accuracy about the unconscious mind without resorting to vagaries. To
distinguish recent developments from more antiquated ideas about the unconscious,
social neuroscientists talk about the resurgence of interest in this area
as the “new unconscious.” This new unconscious is far less aggressive and
incestuous than Freud’s version.
For years, the notion of
the unconscious was rejected. The dominant assumption was that humans
exerted conscious control over their actions and thoughts. The unconscious
was relegated to the trash heap, perhaps in part because the idea that we
are not in control of our lives and actions is unnerving. However, it
appears that we really aren’t in control, and psychologists and economists
are slowly—and in some cases begrudgingly—accepting this. This lack of
control raises the question of what, then, is controlling us? The unconscious has
returned to the discussion as the likely explanation.
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2. While
psychology has long been successful in providing greater understanding of
human behavior, it has only recently become accepted in the scientific
community.
Some variation of the
conscious-unconscious division can be seen as far back as ancient Greek
philosophy. More recently, eighteenth-century philosopher Immanuel Kant
made important contributions to the subject with his theories about
perception. During the Enlightenment era, when rationality was held up as
the ideal, Kant argued that we are hardly unbiased observers of the world
around us who disinterestedly build a theory of everything. The mind,
rather, implicitly builds a worldview based on its particular perceptions.
Kant, however, rejected the
view that psychology could become a science; he believed it was impossible
to empirically map out the brain’s inner workings. Fortunately, there were
people who thought differently. In the early 1800s, E.H. Weber conducted
experiments that showed how mental activity could be tested and expressed
as mathematical and scientific laws. In 1879, German psychologist Wilhelm
Wundt and American Harvard professor William James ran independent
experiments on human behavior in informal labs. Their studies eventually
won respect and repute and the field of psychology gained some recognition
as a legitimate science.
Thanks to the theories and
experiments of Freud, Weber, Wundt, James, and others, psychology has
become a well-recognized, fruitful field of study. Among other things, it
has led to remarkable findings about the nature of the unconscious.
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3. The unconscious
brain not only exists, but it is far more influential than the conscious
brain.
Psychology’s early pioneers
laid important foundations for us to build upon and refine. William
Carpenter’s theory of “two distinct trains of mental action,” for example,
captured the unconscious-conscious distinction that subsequent generations
of psychologists have continued to explore. One significant development is
the growing consensus that the unconscious is the far more foundational and
influential of the two trains of mental activity.
The unconscious helps us
survive and enables us to make quick decisions that our conscious minds
would belabor (think fight-or-flight). It interprets vast arrays of visual
information seamlessly (over 30 percent of the brain’s energy is devoted to
this). It also processes language and allows us to speak reflexively.
Scientists now attribute 95 percent of cognitive operations to the
unconscious. The unconscious also accounts for the majority of the energy
that the brain consumes. Even if you play a rigorous, mentally-demanding
chess match, the energy consumed by the parts of the brain that handle conscious
cognitive tasks increases by a mere 1 percent.
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4. Language and
its socializing effects have led to culture and accomplishment.
Language is an amazing
tool. The complexity of thought that we, as humans, are able to convey to
others is unparalleled in the animal kingdom. Another layer of complexity
is the non-verbal communication—a great deal is unconsciously communicated
and understood at an emotional and social level. Even infants have this
capacity. They can distinguish between anger and happiness in a person’s
face without any prior tutorial or explanation. They will instinctively
recoil from an angry face leering over the crib but respond happily to a
facial expression that is gentle and sweet.
Another manifestation of
our instinctive social nature is the way we naturally form support groups.
Studies have shown that subjects who believed that they were about to
endure painful electric shocks would group together when waiting for their
name to be called, even when they had the option of choosing empty rooms.
It seemed there was a sense of comfort and camaraderie derived from the
presence of other people.
We are social creatures: to
be deprived of the company of others for an extended period of time is
painful. A study of almost 5,000 individuals found that people with more
developed networks of close friends and family tended to live longer,
healthier lives. After observing these subjects over the course of nine
years, researchers found that those who were more isolated were twice as
likely to die as those who were socially well-connected. This was the case
even when the study was controlled for lifestyle habits like exercise,
smoking, and alcohol.
There is also a
demonstrable connection between social ability and intelligence. It is no
coincidence that coordinated hunting efforts to bring down dangerous
animals emerged at the same time as the earliest art and the observance of
religious rites about 50,000 years ago. Culture sprang up when people began
to socialize. Based on the remains that have been found, there were no
physiological changes in our ancestors, which leads many to conclude that
there must have been some change in the brain itself. Intelligence came
about to accommodate a social purpose. Sociability increases the chances of
survival.
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5. Our brains make
life easier by instinctively categorizing things and people.
Solomon Shereshevsky had
the problem: he remembered everything, down to the minutest detail. While
that might sound like a nice problem to have, he was unable to meaningfully
integrate all the information, leaving him incapable of completing tasks
that our brain is wired to complete automatically. For example, Solomon had
a difficult time with facial recognition. If he saw the same person, it
would likely be in a different setting, from a slightly different angle,
and under different lighting; thus, it would register in his brain as a
completely different face belonging to an entirely different person. If his
memory of faces were a book, it would be a thick tome filled with photos
with no table of contents or index to gather or group the various faces
according to whom they belonged. What might have appeared a rare gift was
also a curse because Solomon was unable to categorize.
Categorization is another
function of the unconscious mind. It helps us navigate situations with
greater ease and efficiency. This is a vital task because if it were up to
our conscious brain to deal with the deluge of information we are
constantly receiving, we would mentally short circuit. We wouldn’t be able
to process it fast enough and make good decisions.
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6. The downside of
categorization is the creation of negative stereotypes.
At best, categorization
makes differences more pronounced so that we keep the information necessary
for survival. At worst, categorization can lead us to perpetuate
stereotypes.
One of the earliest uses of
the word “stereotype” comes from a book written by Walter Lipmann in 1922,
in which he argued that our society is becoming too complex and transient.
He suggested that simpler models are needed to make sense of—and function
within—our cultural surroundings. Lipmann understood that stereotypes serve
an important role and that our culture reinforces them.
But how accurate are these
categories that we internalize? We generally base our judgments of others
on their individual characteristics, but if we have an encounter with a
stranger, we tend to fall back on our preconceived notions based on the
person’s gender, ethnicity, style, manner of speech, and so on. Just as the
unconscious brain fills in the gaps in our vision, hearing, and memory to
make our picture of the world more seamless, so the unconscious fills in
the social gaps where information is limited.
Scientists used to consider
stereotyping a deliberate, conscious act, but the growing consensus is that
stereotyping is an unconscious process, a natural outcome of the brain’s
desire for categories. Numerous studies have revealed the unwitting biases
of their subjects. Subjects are drawn to certain types of people over
others and use differing sets of adjectives to describe people from diverse
backgrounds. Participants tend to favor men over women and whites over
blacks. On the occasions that researchers point out these discrepancies,
subjects often respond with shock, anger, and embarrassment.
Despite unfortunate events
that have their roots in stereotypes, it is best not to throw out the baby
with the bathwater. The brain’s ability to categorize is an important tool.
The goal is not to stop categorizing—that’s a goal that’s doomed to
failure. The goal should be to operate with the acknowledgement that we’re
wired that way, and that we must consciously choose to view people as
individuals and be aware of the ways in which our personal stereotype could
impede that end.
Stereotypes are often used
in the absence of concrete experiences with people or places we are not
familiar with. Getting to know people from communities we are leery or
dismissive of is an excellent way to correct our unconscious biases.
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7. Not only does
your unconscious categorize others—it categorizes you as well.
Just as our unconscious
naturally categorizes others, it also categorizes us. We unconsciously put
ourselves in out-groups and in-groups: those to whom we do or do not
belong. This also has a tremendous impact on the way we view ourselves and
others. The groups with which we do and don’t identify with help us
construct a sense of identity. We alternate between various roles and
groups according to the needs of the moment and for the purpose of
maximizing happiness. Someone might conceive of herself as a woman, a
student, a sister, a mother, a Korean, or a swimmer as each moment
requires.
An example of a company
that does a masterful job of cultivating an in-group that people are dying
to be part of is Apple, particularly with their Mac computers. Apple spends
millions to promote the image that the people who use their products are
members of a cool, trendy in-group—and that PC users are the out-group
losers who can’t quite keep up.
Studies reveal that we tend
to have an affinity for those in our in-groups. Even if we highly esteem
people from other out-groups, we do not care for them in the same way. We
are more likely to overlook the shortcomings of others if they’re part of
an in-group. We tolerate idiosyncrasies and mistakes from in-group members
that we would likely judge harshly if displayed in an out-group member. We
tend to primarily associate with and do business with in-group members, and
we tend to give them the benefit of the doubt.
Game theory experiments
consistently demonstrate our obsession with differentiating ourselves from
others. We want to feel different than (and superior to) others, even
if it isn’t beneficial for us or others and when the distinction between us
and them is superficial and arbitrary.
The us-them mentality goes
back to our tribal hunter-gatherer ancestors. The most effective us-them
barrier breaker is finding a purpose that is greater than the
in-group/out-group issues to unite everyone. The 9/11 terrorist attacks
provide an excellent example. As soon as the World Trade Center towers were
hit, there was an impulse among people to rally together and help each
other, regardless of religious or ethnic background. People were people,
and the niceties of group dynamics seemed trivial compared to the
overwhelming need that everyone was rushing to meet. In the days and weeks
following the attacks, people in the city were not first and foremost black
or white, religious or secular, rich or poor, but New Yorkers.
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8. Our unconscious
is constantly deceiving us for our own good.
There was a survey done of
nearly one million high school seniors. Of the students surveyed, 100
percent considered themselves at least average in their capacity for
getting along well with others people, 60 percent considered themselves in
the top 10 percent, and 25 percent considered themselves in the top 1
percentile. Everyone was convinced that they were winners—or at least not
losers. This phenomenon is not unique to adolescents.
We can clearly see an
over-inflated view of self in others, but can we recognize the same
tendency in ourselves?
As one psychologist
observed, we take one of two paths to truth: that of the scientist who
gathers evidence and forms a conclusion based on the data, and that of the
lawyer who has already reached a conclusion and works to reject opposing
evidence and acquire new data that supports his conclusion. Our conscious
mind can weight facts dispassionately, but the unconscious has beliefs that
it insists on maintaining. The self is often caught between the pull of the
lawyer and the scientist, but is also unaware of the lawyer’s influence on
conclusions and decision-making.
Despite our best attempts
to arrive at an objective, rational view of self and the world around us,
the more emotional, strident voice usually emerges victorious. The brain is
a good scientist, but a phenomenal lawyer. The term that some psychologists
have landed on to describe this phenomenon is “motivated reason.” This
motivated reason helps preserve our positive self-regard.
There are limits to this
motivated reason, however. Sometimes our unconscious mind’s interpretation
of an experience is so far-fetched or unconvincing that the conscious mind
steps in and refutes it. This effectively halts the unconscious mind’s
campaign to preserve particular beliefs via self-deception. Some
inconsistencies are too glaring for even our unconscious to paper over.
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