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Eakinomics: Crony
Capitalism and Protectionism in Climate Policy Clothing
Back to basics. The research literature shows that the most effective policy
to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGs) is an economy-wide,
revenue-neutral, upstream carbon tax. Economy-wide means that all carbon
consumption is taxed and done so at the same rate – no demonizing coal,
lambasting petroleum, or other uneven policies. Revenue-neutral means that
the proceeds of the carbon tax are used to reduce or eliminate other taxes on
capital and labor that would be a detriment to growth. A carbon tax is not a
way to grow a larger government. It is a way to reduce the corporation income
tax, payroll tax, and so forth. Finally, upstream means that carbon is taxed
at the first point it enters the economy – at the wellhead or mine and so
forth.
Producers subject to the tax would be forced to pass the tax along in their
prices. That is, of course, the point. GHG-intensive products would become
less attractive, forcing their manufacturers to reduce the GHG content
through efficiencies, substitution, and innovation. The carbon is the price
signal the guides production, innovation, employment, and consumption in a
cleaner direction. Eakinomics has zero doubts that a well-designed carbon tax
would simultaneously support vigorous economic growth and reduced GHG
emissions.
There are two additional important footnotes to “well-designed.” First, the
carbon tax is sufficient as a mitigation strategy and everything else
should go away, including the vast, burdensome regulatory morass under the
Clean Air Act, Clean Water Act, Endangered Species Act, and dozens of other
pieces of legislation. Keeping those regulations wouldn’t help with emissions
and will burden growth.
Second, some imports are not subject to GHG restrictions and are perceived to
put domestic producers at a competitive disadvantage, which proponents say
could cause carbon leakage (carbon-intensive production moved overseas to
avoid the tax). To prevent this, the carbon tax should be imposed on imports.
It is this notion of a carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) that is the
subject of Tori Smith’s U.S. Carbon
Border Adjustment Proposals and World Trade Organization Compliance.
She notes that the European Union has announced a transition to implementing
a CBAM in 2023, and by 2026 "importers will need to purchase CBAM
certificates, the price of which will be determined by the Emissions Trading
System (ETS). The EU’s approach is not a traditional border adjustment, however,
because it does not include rebates for exporters."
As she reviews, there have already been proposals in the United States to tax
imports based on their carbon content. But there is a big difference. The EU
already has in place carbon pricing in member countries. The CBAM is an
expansion of Europe's existing system. The United States does not have a
domestic carbon price. Indeed, instead of making carbon-intensive products
relatively more expensive, the Biden strategy (as passed in the Inflation
Reduction Act) is to throw taxpayer money at cleaner activities in an
uncoordinated, willy-nilly, inefficent fashion.
That’s not a climate strategy. It’s giving taxpayer subsidies to your
friends, aka crony capitalism. And adding a carbon tariff to the mix doesn’t make
it a CBAM – it’s just protectionist industrial policy. So, it isn’t a
strategy for the coexistence of progress on climate and rising standards of
living. Even worse, Smith points out that it is likely to be illegal under
our agreements with the World Trade Organization (WTO).
“Uncertainty about the permissibility of CBAMs should give U.S. policymakers
considering such a policy pause, because neglecting WTO rules could leave the
United States open to retaliation by its trading partners. In recent years,
U.S. trade policy and legislation, most recently with the Inflation Reduction
Act, has disregarded WTO rules. The Biden Administration is currently engaged
in yet another trade dispute with allies over its neglect of WTO rules in
implementing the IRA. While debate among scholars remains, there do seem to
be three principles to follow to have a “reduced risk of violating WTO law”
when considering a CBAM: (1) the carbon tax must apply to domestic goods and
imports; (2) imports from all WTO members must be treated the same; and (3)
rebates for exports cannot exceed the carbon tax.”
Beware crony, protectionist proposals dressed up as climate policy.
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