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It sounds like the plot of
a mediocre political thriller.
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A baseless conspiracy
theory, promulgated in the outer rings of the internet, begins seeping into
college campuses, courtrooms, political campaigns — and finally the highest
reaches of American government.
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Like so much in our
politics these days, the once unbelievable has become real.
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More than 50 candidates
who have expressed support for the conspiracy theory known as QAnon have run
for Congress in 2020, according to Media Matters, a liberal research group.
Nearly all are running as Republicans. About half have already lost their
primary races. But at least one has a good chance of ending up on Capitol
Hill.
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Last week, Marjorie Taylor
Greene, a wealthy businesswoman who has promoted QAnon, won more than 40
percent of the vote in a Republican primary for a House seat in Georgia. She
now enters an August runoff as the favorite to secure her party’s nomination
— and the Republican candidate is likely to win the general election in the
conservative district.
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Most Republicans said
nothing about Ms. Greene’s support for the conspiracy theory; on the
contrary, she was endorsed by prominent figures like Representative Jim
Jordan of Ohio and Representative Andy Biggs of Arizona, the chairman of the
conservative House Freedom Caucus. But after Politico uncovered hours of
Facebook videos in which she made racist, Islamophobic and
anti-Semitic remarks, Republican leaders began distancing themselves from her
candidacy.
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In Oregon last month, Republicans selected a
Senate candidate, Jo Rae Perkins, who also promotes QAnon.
Although she’s unlikely to beat the incumbent Democrat, Senator Jeff Merkley,
her bid has the backing of party leaders.
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Neither Ms. Perkins nor Ms.
Greene ran explicitly on her QAnon beliefs. But Ms. Perkins believes her
candidacy is helping QAnon.
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“We are seeing more and
more people getting emboldened as we see more and more information get out
there,” she told The New York Times.
“And as people put together more and more pieces of the puzzle, they can see,
yeah, this is real.”
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So what, exactly, do QAnon
adherents believe? The central theme is that President Trump is a
near-messianic figure who is besieged by threats from evil government
officials.
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The sprawling conspiracy theory started in October
2017, when a user of the online message board 4chan began writing cryptic posts
under the name Q Clearance Patriot, claiming to be a high-ranking official
privy to top-secret information from Mr. Trump’s inner circle.
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Since then, the QAnon
universe has expanded to include a series of outlandish
claims. Mr. Trump was recruited by the military to run for office
in order to break up a global cabal of Democratic pedophiles (remember Pizzagate?). The
special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s investigation would end up sending
prominent Democrats to be imprisoned at Guantánamo Bay. John F. Kennedy Jr. is still alive
and is going to replace Vice President Mike Pence on the 2020 Republican
ticket.
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While these statements are
ridiculous, they can also put real people in danger. Last year, the F.B.I.
put out an intelligence bulletin
identifying QAnon and other fringe conspiracy theories as a potential
domestic terror threat. People said to have been radicalized by QAnon have
been charged with crimes including attempted kidnapping and murder.
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Still, the president has
played right along, at times at times elevating and encouraging
QAnon followers. He’s recirculated their posts on Twitter, posed with one for
a photograph in the Oval Office,
and invited some QAnon believers to a White House “social media summit.”
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“I can’t say whether
President Trump believes QAnon, but he certainly is willing to use conspiracy
rhetoric to his advantage,” said Joanne Miller, who studies the political
psychology of conspiracy theories at the University of Delaware. “That could
be part of what’s emboldening QAnon believers to come out of the shadows.”
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Joseph Uscinski, an expert
on conspiracy theories at the University of Miami, has a simple theory:
“Conspiracy theories are for losers.” Generally, the party in power doesn’t
need to support a theory essentially undermining the government it controls.
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That’s not the case with
Mr. Trump, who has often claimed that a “deep state” of shadowy government
officials is trying to subvert his presidency.
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“There’s always been these
beliefs that there’s a deep state. Now, it’s more like it’s the deep state
that’s really turning on this populist who’s one of us,” Ms. Miller said.
“This is the first time we’ve seen the president’s party — people on the
winning side — who seem to be more conspiratorial.”
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