When
it comes to Medicare policy discussions on Capitol Hill, two things are
commonly raised:
- Active support for Medicare Advantage (MA), and
- The looming insolvency of the Part A Trust Fund.
Despite
the painfully obvious connection between these two, however, they are rarely
discussed together. In fact, policymakers in both parties continue to ignore
their obligation to address inflated Medicare Advantage payments.
Medicare Advantage and the Medicare Part A Trust Fund
The
annual release of the Medicare Trustees Report – which projects the fiscal
health of the Medicare program and focuses on the Part A Trust Fund – often
serves as an impetus for calling for Medicare changes and cuts. The latest
Report, released in August 2021, projects that the Part A Trust Fund will be
depleted by 2026; this is unchanged from the previous projection, despite the
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
As
the Center for Medicare Advocacy periodically notes, even if the Trust Fund were to be
depleted as projected, the program would still be able to pay out approximately
90% of Medicare Part A benefits. While not ideal, this is far from
“bankruptcy.” Further, the date of projected insolvency is an estimate, and
could easily change again – as it has many times before.
There
are various ways to address Medicare’s solvency, by raising revenues, reducing
spending, or both. One large and obvious option, which escapes the
attention of most policymakers, is to look at the Medicare Advantage (MA)
program. There is consistent, and growing evidence that the Medicare Advantage
program is paid more than traditional Medicare would spend on the same
beneficiary, and such spending is growing per person, with significant implications
for the Medicare programmatic spending.
The
Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) confirmed these spending concerns
in its March 2021 report to Congress, noting that Medicare
payments to MA plans average 104% of spending in traditional Medicare and
stating:
[t]his
level of payment reflects Medicare payments that were higher for MA enrollees
than the program would have spent for similar beneficiaries in traditional FFS
Medicare, continuing a long-standing trend.
According
to a recent Commonwealth Fund blog, due to risk adjustment and quality bonus
payments, MA “plans have been paid more than what
traditional Medicare would spend for similar beneficiaries every year since
2003”
(emphasis added). In other words, this payment imbalance has persisted
for almost 20 years.
Similarly,
the Kaiser Family Foundation noted in an August 2021 report that the MA program “has never generated savings relative to
traditional Medicare”
and while higher payments have led to coverage of some limited extra benefits
for plan enrollees,
the
higher payments have also led to higher Medicare spending than would have
occurred under traditional Medicare and higher
Medicare Part B premiums paid by all beneficiaries, including
those in traditional Medicare (emphasis added).
Various
non-insurance industry influenced analysis and reports continue to point out
how the current MA payment system based on maximizing profits through risk
adjustment leads to excessive payment. Recent examples include: research
by Richard Kronick, highlighted by Kaiser Health News in November 2021, which
analyzed MA billing data and estimated that “Medicare overpaid the private
health plans by more than $106 billion from 2010 through 2019 because of the
way the private plans charge for sicker patients” (nearly $34 billion of this
new spending came during 2018 and 2019); in September 2021, the Department of
Health & Human Services Office of Inspector General issued a report titled “Some Medicare Advantage
Companies Leveraged Chart Reviews and Health Risk Assessments To
Disproportionately Drive Payments”; and in December 2019 OIG issued a report titled “Billions in Estimated Medicare
Advantage Payments From Chart Reviews Raise Concerns.”
In
a February 2021 issue brief titled “Reducing Medicare Advantage Overpayments” the
Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget offered a method for addressing MA
overpayments by adjusting coding intensity:
Addressing this problem would improve the solvency of the Medicare
trust fund and reduce the federal budget deficit. Given the
high and rising costs of health care, a number of bold policy changes will be
needed to assure long-term affordability and sustainability. In this context,
fully adjusting for MA coding practices that result in overpayment could be
considered an obvious option, particularly because this problem is well known
and adjustments are already made; they are just inadequate (emphasis added).
Despite
all of the evidence showing that MA plans are overpaid billions of dollars a
year, with a few exceptions, such as Senator Elizabeth Warren during a recent
Senate Finance Subcommittee hearing, policymakers fail to even mention the
withering impact of MA costs on the Medicare Trust Fund, and Medicare spending
more broadly.
Medicare Spending and Build Back Better
Discussions
in Congress last year surrounding the Build Back Better (BBB) Act created a
rare opportunity to make meaningful improvements to Medicare and other critical
programs. Yet the associated costs and concerns about the Medicare Trust Fund
were often raised as barriers to doing so (despite the fact that new dental,
hearing and vision benefits would have been covered under Medicare Part B, not
through Part A and the Trust Fund). For example, House Ways & Means
minority staff issued a statement in September 2021 calling BBB a
“RECKLESS MEDICARE EXPANSION[…]
With the major hospital trust fund insolvent in five
years, Democrats also recklessly expand Medicare with junk dental, vision, and
hearing plans with no reforms to save this important program for 62 million
seniors.” Similarly, in prepared remarks at a Committee session debating
BBB the same month, CNBC reported that the Committee’s Ranking
Member stated “Democrats are ramming through a reckless new expansion of
Medicare – just as it’s a few years from bankruptcy.”
For
a brief moment in time, during the debate surrounding Build Back Better,
reining in MA overpayments was floated as a potential “pay for” to expand
Medicare benefits, such as dental, hearing and vision care, to all Medicare
beneficiaries. As chronicled by reporter Jessie Hellman in a Modern Healthcare article
titled “How the Insurance Lobby Got Congress to Love Medicare Advantage” (Dec.
28, 2021), such discussions were short-lived. “Almost as soon as it came
up, it was off the table” Hellman wrote. “Industry groups aired millions of
dollars in television advertisements warning seniors that Washington was
‘messing with’ their healthcare and urging them to contact members and tell
them ‘please don't cut Medicare Advantage.’” The article cites the
looming insolvency of the Trust Fund and notes that “Medicare spending
continues to grow as more people age into benefits, prompting renewed anxiety
about the program's fiscal footing […] Still, Medicare Advantage plans have
fought to keep things the way they are, mostly with success.” Discussing
how the industry has kept lawmakers in check, Hellman states:
Instead
of oversight, scores of lawmakers annually sign on to letters drafted by the
industry praising Medicare Advantage. […] More than 400 lawmakers—or
three-quarters of Congress—signed on to a letter to CMS in 2020 to
"express strong bipartisan support" for Medicare Advantage but raised
no questions about program integrity issues watchdogs have flagged.
Even
now, in early 2022 as Build Back Better is stalled, at best, policymakers
continue to refuse to connect the proverbial dots concerning Medicare
financing. For example, on February 25, 2022, House Ways & Means
Committee Republicans issued a statement titled “Democrats Want to Cut
Overwhelmingly Popular Medicare Advantage Program” stating that “enrollment in
the popular Medicare Advantage (MA) program has grown across the board, showing
that more seniors are choosing privately-run, innovative options every year.”
Taking a page from cold war era rhetoric, the statement continues:
“Unfortunately, Democrats want to hamstring [the Medicare Advantage] program
and move us backwards towards a socialist single-payer model that will limit
patient choice and increase costs.”
In
conflict with all of the evidence surrounding MA overpayment cited above, the
statement notes that “Nearly all MA plans also offer supplementary benefits
that are not available in fee-for-service Medicare, including telehealth,
vision, dental, hearing, and transportation services – all at no additional cost to the
taxpayer” (emphasis added). The statement concludes with
questionable math and a curious description of the BBB Act: “Sadly, as part of
their push for the $5 billion socialist Build Back Better agenda, Democrats
proposed spending $285 billion to pull beneficiaries away from Medicare
Advantage—despite its popularity among seniors—into an outdated single-payer
system that rewards volume over value” (hyperlink omitted).
Unfortunately,
these allegations are simply not true – most Democrats in Congress as well as
the Administration seem equally unwilling to take on the insurance industry in
order to right the Medicare ship. We are unaware of any concerted effort to
rein in these MA overpayments.
Conclusion
For
many years, the Center for Medicare Advocacy has pushed for legislative and
administrative efforts to address the growing inequities between Medicare
Advantage (MA) and traditional Medicare that favor MA, and thus encourage the
growing privatization of the Medicare program. These inequities include
overpayments to MA plans that unnecessarily drive-up programmatic spending, and
further tip the scales away from traditional Medicare.
Reining
in wasteful MA spending would not only shore up the Part A Trust Fund and
relieve overall Medicare spending, such savings could be used to expand
Medicare benefits for all beneficiaries. We urge policymakers –
Democrats, Republicans and Independents alike – to do what’s right for both
taxpayers and Medicare beneficiaries and end MA overpayments.
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