If Sen.
Elizabeth Warren got her way and the Senate filibuster were eliminated, it's
likely Congress already would have gutted Obamacare, allocated billions more
dollars to President Trump's border wall, and even erased the Massachusetts
Democrat's own brainchild idea, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which
grew out of the Wall Street collapse a decade ago.
Republicans
love to warn Democrats of those outcomes, yet Ms. Warren remains one of the
most prominent warriors looking to end the 60-vote filibuster threshold in the
Senate, saying it's doing more harm than good to liberals' agenda.
For Ms.
Warren, the risks of what the GOP might do unhindered by a filibuster is less
worrying than the hopes of what she might be able to achieve as a president if
she's not encumbered.
That
stance puts her out in front of her other chief competitors. Neither former
Vice President Joseph R. Biden nor Sen. Bernard Sanders has embraced the end of
the filibuster, which is perhaps the best-known feature of the upper chamber,
saying they want to win under the current rules by building movements or
striking bipartisan deals.
That's
a fantasy, says Ms. Warren, pointing to the lack of big bills that have passed
over the last decade.
"I
stood in the U.S. Senate in 2013 when when 54 senators voted in favor of gun
legislation and it didn't pass because of the filibuster," Ms. Warren said
during Democrats' primary debate this month. "We have got to attack the
corruption and repeal the filibusters, or the gun industry will always have a
veto over what happens."
The
idea of doing away with the filibuster was unthinkable 20 years ago, when it
was used more sparingly. But two decades of partisan battles have made both
Republicans and Democrats ponder life without it.
Democrats
expanded use of the filibuster 15 years ago, attacking President George W.
Bush's judicial nominees and bringing Republicans to the brink of a rules
change. The GOP backed off, but in 2013, when Republicans used the filibuster
against President Barack Obama's nominees, then-Majority Leader Harry Reid
pulled the trigger on the "nuclear option" and curtailed the
filibuster for most nominees.
Jim
Manley, a Democratic strategist who was a top aide to Mr. Reid at the time,
says any presidential hopeful who is touting a bold progressive plan will need
to think like Ms. Warren.
"If
she is at all serious about enacting her broad, sweeping legislative agenda,
then doing away with the filibuster is the only way that it is going to get
done," he told The Washington Times. "Others are dancing around it,
talking about big sweeping proposals, but refusing to take it to the logical
conclusion: if it is not all talk, you have to do away with the
filibuster."
President
Trump has aired his own frustrations with the filibuster over the last few
years as Democrats used it to stymie his agenda.
Attempts
to overhaul immigration law, get money to build his border fence, or to cleanly
repeal Obamacare were all doomed by Democrats' ability to filibuster.
Mr.
Trump has pressured Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell to get rid of the
filibuster, saying Democrats will do it when they get the chance, so the GOP
should beat them to it.
The
Kentucky Republican has resisted. In an August op-ed, Mr. McConnell called the
ability to filibuster and gum up the legislative works a defining part of the
Senate.
"These
are features, not bugs," he wrote in The New York Times.
During
Mr. Reid's 2013 nuclear option filibuster changes, the GOP made clear what
mischief it could make without having to abide by a filibuster.
Sen.
Lamar Alexander, Tennessee Republican, crafted a list that included repealing
Obamacare and completing the Yucca Mountain nuclear waste repository that Mr.
Reid was able to fend off from his home state of Nevada, chiefly thanks to the
filibuster.
Mr.
Alexander also pointed to another target: the CFPB, which was Ms. Warren's own
idea for a financial cop to patrol Wall Street in the wake of the 2008
recession.
Mr.
Alexander said this week that the filibuster remains central to good
legislating.
"The
legislative filibuster protects the minority from the tyranny of the
majority," he said Tuesday. "It forces senators to stop, think and
come up with bipartisan solutions to big problems that the country is more
likely to accept.
"Without
the filibuster, whatever passed the House would run through the Senate like a
freight train and it wouldn't be long before the American people would be very
unhappy about that," he said.
David
McIntosh, president of the conservative Club for Growth, said Ms. Warren's push
is based on "a very short-sighted calculus" and could lead to radical
swings between far-right and far-left governance.
"I
think Elizabeth Warren wants to eliminate it because she wants to ram her
socialist agenda down the throats of the minority in Washington," he said,
alluding to a hypothetical Democratic sweep in the 2020 elections. "But as
soon as the next election occurs and the other party is in the majority, then
all the agenda gets undone with a simple majority vote."
Mr.
McIntosh said the CFBP would have been repealed if Republicans adopted the rule
change in 2017.
Mr.
Manley, though, said the filibuster is a dead man walking. It's just a matter
of which party delivers the kill shot.
"If
Democrats win the presidency and Senate, shortly after the election Democratic
leaders are going to have to have a real come-to-Jesus meeting about what they
will do with the filibuster if they are serious about getting things done in
this hyper partisan environment," he said.
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