Eakinomics: Putting
the Climate Heat on Congress
Yesterday the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) released its decision
in West Virginia v. EPA,
ruling that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) lacked the authority
for broad regulations of greenhouse gas emissions from power plants. As
detailed in a new insight by
Dan Bosch (see the thumbnail version here), the issue was the Obama-era Clean
Power Plan (CPP) and its approach to regulating greenhouse gas emissions
using authority under the Clean Air Act (CAA).
The CAA’s authority requires EPA to set the Best System of Emissions
Reduction (BSER) for specific pollutants from specific sources (such as a
power plant). That authority has been used by EPA to dictate the best way to
make each plant operate more cleanly. The CPP was more aggressive, however,
as over the long haul it was not possible to make fossil fuel-fired plants
clean enough. Instead, the BSER was actually to close plants, transitioning
from coal to natural gas-fired plants and then to renewables.
That did not fly with SCOTUS. As Bosch puts it: “In writing the majority
opinion, Chief Justice John Roberts held that the rule went beyond what
Congress intended in the CAA. He based his reasoning on the fact that the
rule had such massive economic implications – overhauling the mix of the
nation’s electricity supply – and departed from agency norms to such a degree
that it required significant scrutiny as to whether Congress had granted such
authority. The chief justice applied the ‘major questions doctrine,’ a court
precedent whereby in claiming authority on a policy with major ‘economic or
political importance’ an ‘agency must point to “clear congressional
authorization.”’ The Court found no such authority to justify EPA’s broad
reconfiguring of the country’s electricity generation sector.”
The ruling obviously requires a rethink of emissions strategies at EPA. It
will also likely rein in overreach in the rules of other agencies. But the
most direct implication of the ruling is to put the spotlight on Congress in
developing a strategy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This is also an
opportunity, as Congress could craft a bipartisan policy that relies on
market-based mechanisms, such as carbon pricing, that research has shown is far more efficient
than regulations like the CPP.
Some people will argue that Congress is too beset by partisan divide to
accomplish such a task. But perhaps Congress has had the luxury of being
partisan and divided because it has not been forced to do its job.
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