Douglas Holtz-Eakin March 9, 2020
The health threat from the coronavirus is a
pandemic threat. The need for an aggressive public health response is thus very
real. This, combined with an emergency Fed rate cut and equity markets
imitating a yo-yo, has raised a further question: do we also need an aggressive
economic stimulus?
For the left, the answer is reflexively “yes.”
It has given up on the notion of private sector-driven growth and believes that
a spending bill is a growth policy. This was a cardinal error of the Obama
Administration, which seemingly believed that having passed a stimulus bill it
could subject the economy to any sort of torture from its labor, green, and
social policy agenda and still get growth.
Wrong, but it built on a bipartisan series of
attempts at discretionary fiscal micromanagement over the past 20 years. To
provide “stimulus,” the federal government sent checks in 2001, cut taxes in
2003, had a repatriation tax holiday in 2005, sent checks in 2008, and had a
huge stimulus in 2009. (The 2017 tax cut would also provide stimulus, but was
primarily focused on tax reforms.) Despite this – or perhaps because of it –
the 2000-2020 period is largely characterized by disappointing economic
performance. This stands in sharp contrast to the 1980-2000 period, where
fiscal policy was set for long-term growth performance and short-run responses
were left to the Fed.
So, as a general matter I think it is time to be
skeptical that stimulus is always the cure for what ails us. Nevertheless,
Obama-era Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers Jason Furman has already
opened the old playbook and called for a big stimulus.
There are some important considerations to sort
through in thinking about whatever economic policy should come next. First,
Congress and the administration have already put stimulus in
the 2020 pipeline. In December, the pithily named Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020 and Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020 became law. The combination of spending
increases and tax cuts in the two laws will add nearly $400 billion in
additional tax cuts and spending, front loaded to include $60 billion in 2020
alone. What seemed excessive at the time may turn out to be entirely
fortuitous.
On top of that, there should be a fair amount of
money delivered via the public health response. There is already $8.3 billion,
but it is easy to anticipate that price tag going up as states and localities
deal with the fiscal fallout of addressing the crisis.
Second, the mechanics of the impact of the
pandemic are not always susceptible to being fixed by tax cuts or sending
checks in one disguised form or another. A tragic impact of a pandemic is the
loss of life, which in raw economic terms is a pure loss of productive
capacity. No stimulus will offset this downdraft.
As we have already witnessed, the pandemic is
throwing supply chains into upheaval and making it harder to deliver final
goods and services. We had a similar experience in the aftermath of the
terrorist attacks on 9-11, where the nation had to “harden” economic activity
against terrorist attacks. It was an expensive supply shock and none of the
Bush-era fiscal stimulus efforts worked to offset it. Giving the customers more
money won’t mitigate this supply shock either.
In some cases, there are declines in demand, but
not declines that a stimulus can offset. You can send $100 billion in checks to
Americans but I doubt that international airline travel, cruise ship bookings,
or the conference industry would recover a bit. In those situations, it may be
necessary to provide targeted financial support directly to the affected
industries. (The White House is reportedly looking at these options.)
The third point is that some of the extreme
uncertainty will resolve itself fairly quickly. We still know very little about
the prevalence, propagation, and perniciousness of the virus. We will learn
more about the pandemic in short order.
We will also learn more about the economy. Each
week there are data on new claims for unemployment insurance. A sharp spike in
such claims would be an indicator suggesting that the cumulative impacts were
leading to layoffs the might limit the ability of some households to maintain
their purchasing power. If there is a sharp move up, and if it is sustained,
and if it is large enough, Congress may wish to take additional steps. But it
has a chance to become informed and think about options first.
It would be silly to rule out the need for
additional fiscal policy before the coronavirus episode is in the rearview
mirror. But it strikes me as premature at best to pull the trigger on an
ill-designed $1 trillion check-writing effort.
https://www.americanactionforum.org/daily-dish/do-we-need-a-coronavirus-stimulus/#ixzz6GroQxPHH
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