This past Thursday, the
Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released
the initial estimates of gross domestic product (GDP) for the first quarter of
2019. BEA reported that GDP grew at an annualized rate of 3.2 percent in Q1 of
2019; conveniently, it also grew 3.2 percent since the first quarter of 2018.
That growth is pretty good, continues the uninterrupted acceleration of year-over-year
growth since the low of 1.3 percent in the second quarter of 2016, and should
quiet the silly chatter of a 2019 recession. But economists exist to find the
dark cloud for any silver lining, so let’s look a little closer.
The first thing that jumps out of the data is that inventory accumulation
contributed 0.65 percentage points of the 3.2 percent total. Rapidly rising
inventories are usually reversed in short order; one would expect inventories
to subtract from growth moving forward. It makes sense to focus on the growth
of GDP minus inventory changes – production for final sales only, instead of
production for final sales and additional inventories. That growth was 2.6
percent in the first quarter.
The second thing that jumps out of the data is weak household spending –
labelled personal consumption expenditures (PCE) in the data. PCE grew at an
annual rate of only 1.2 percent, dragged down by a decline in purchases of
durable goods at an annual rate of 5.3 percent. This is weird, because PCE has
been a solidly growing component of GDP for years, unemployment is very low,
wages are rising, and there is no readily identifiable problem with household
balance sheets. PCE should simply keep growing.
The weirdness may be due to the government shutdown, a downward blip in
consumer confidence in January, bad weather, or some other anomaly. But it
makes the data harder to reconcile with recent trends. As a result, I was
curious about where the growth was coming from. To investigate this, I
added together the contributions of PCE and fixed investment and divided by
growth of final sales to get the percentage of final sales growth from those
two categories. I then repeated the exercise for net exports (exports minus
imports) and government (federal plus state and local).
The result is displayed in the chart below. In 2016, 2017, and 2018 the
dominant source of growth was households and businesses, which had contributed
more than 100 percent of growth on average (the blue bars). In contrast,
governments contributed a small share (green bars) and net exports (red bars)
actually subtracted from overall growth on average.
But the first quarter was remarkably different. The contribution by households
and businesses tailed off sharply, while strong exports (up at a 3.7 percent
rate) and weaker imports (down at a 3.7 percent rate) put net exports on par
with them. And a bump in state-local spending raised the government share.
An economy the size of the United States’ does not reinvent itself overnight,
so this shift is just weird. But that happens with any single quarter or month
of economic data, so I look forward to seeing what the second quarter will
bring and the overall trends produced in the first half of 2019.
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