Eakinomics: DACA
Do Over
Yesterday the Supreme Court ruled that the Trump
Administration could not proceed with its plan to end the Deferred
Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy initiated by President Obama in
2012 to shield certain young undocumented immigrants from deportation. DACA
applicants must: prove they were under the age of 16 when they came to the
United States; have continuously resided in the country since 2007; be
enrolled in school, have graduated high school (or equivalent), or have
served in the military; be less than 31 years old as of June 15, 2012; and
have no conviction of any crime or felony. If an individual satisfies
these requirements, he or she acquires provisional legal status and can get
papers permitting legal work.
The DACA executive action generated an immense controversy and added to an
ongoing debate over whether it constituted executive overreach. The Court
did not rule on these core issues, but rather on the process the
administration used to end it. Chief Justice Roberts wrote, “We do not
decide whether DACA or its rescission are sound policies. We address only
whether the agency complied with the procedural requirement that it provide
a reasoned explanation for its action.” In short, the justifications for
ending DACA were insufficient, but this decision does not rule
out another attempt to end DACA.
This decision is an important reminder of the tenuous legal standing of the
DACA population. And it is a good time to emphasize that DACA protections
affect more than just the immigrants themselves. AAF once estimated that “the average DACA
worker contributes $109,000 to the economy each year. If all DACA
recipients were removed, U.S. GDP would decrease by nearly $42 billion.”
Put differently, the DACA population is an economic asset, and failure to
protect it would undercut economic performance.
This, in turn, is a reminder that we need immigration reform. While DACA
will have the headlines for a few days, the statistical reality is
that the native-born population in the United States has a fertility rate
that is too low (and still declining) to keep the population stable, much
less growing. Put differently, in the absence of any immigration the U.S.
population and economy will shrink, limiting the ability of the nation to
defend itself and project our values around the globe. The flip side of
this reality is that choosing the rules for granting visas to immigrants is
tantamount to choosing the growth rate and composition of the labor force.
Given that, it is desirable to move the immigration system away from a
nearly exclusive focus on family unification and humanitarian objectives
and toward one that rewards those providing the attributes that the labor
market values. Indeed, my proposed reform builds a strong
economic foundation for the immigration system and is precisely the kind of
pro-growth policy that will enable the United States to regain its former
vitality in the aftermath of the COVID-19 recession.
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