A central issue in the
near-term policy outlook is the fate of the caps and sequester mechanism under
the Budget Control Act (BCA).
In the absence of a deal and accompanying legislation, the BCA will dictate
sharp cuts to both non-defense and defense discretionary spending. The
president’s budget accepts
the cap on non-defense spending, but utilizes a budget gimmick (the Overseas
Contingency Operations, or OCO, account) to add back $170 billion in defense
spending. In contrast, the Senate Budget Committee passed a budget that
accepts both caps, but embodies a mechanism to allow higher spending on both
categories if the increases are offset.
That outlines the budgetary dimensions of a deal. But there is a risk that the
dollars become divorced from the policy needs. Indeed, the BCA caps themselves
are a tribute to this very risk. While they made the 10-year deficit smaller on
paper, they were not built on a real policy foundation. Commenting on this
defect in Simpson-Bowles, which featured similar caps, former Secretary of
Defense Robert Gates once put it,
“‘The truth of the matter is when it comes to the deficit, the Department of
Defense is not the problem,' he said. 'I think in terms of the specifics they
came up with, that is math not strategy.’” Nothing has changed in the
interim.
Following the strategy of the president’s budget, for example, means that
the $98 billion is in OCO. That means the budget isn’t
scaled to anything like the budget caps. This exposes needed acquisition and
modernization funding to funding risks. The National Defense Strategy (NDS)
prioritized threats from near-peers (Russia and China) that will involve
modernization to the nuclear triad. That means expensive systems such
as the B-21 long-range bomber ($3 billion for FY2020), the Columbia-Class ($2.2
billion for FY2020), as well as improvement to ground-based weapons ($570 for
FY2020), and nuclear command, control and communications systems ($2.5 billion
for FY2020).
There are risks that are less high-profile, but not less important. For
example, the current fleet is the smallest and oldest in the history of
the U.S. Air Force and needs to purchase at least 72 tactical
aircraft per year to support the NDS. Studies indicate the need for a future
force structure that has equal parts of the latest generation (F-35 and
modernized F-22) and previous generation fighters. The latest version of the
F-15 (the F-15X) is the most economical way to make up the latter part of the
force structure, as well as contribute to the homeland defense mission. These
are often the jets “scrambled” to protect our cities, our major events and our
people, coast to coast. One of the many issues facing
Congress is funding the procurement of capabilities like the
F-15X.
Policy decisions are rich with tradeoffs in the face of multiple threats. But
those decisions should not be dictated strictly by budgetary considerations.
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