Eakinomics: The
Potential of Immigration Reform
Immigration reform has been bandied about since the very start of the Biden
Administration. Indeed, the House has now passed two pieces of immigration
reform, the Dream and
Promise Act and the Farm Workforce Modernization Act. Both bills
offer a path to legalization for certain groups of immigrants by creating new
categories and reforming old ones.
But as I argue in a recent op-ed,
“legalization should be the first move rather than the final objective.
Conservatives have to insist that the core visa system be infused with a
vision for growth that builds a globally competitive 21st century labor
force. Immigrants already have the higher labor activity rate when compared
with native born citizens. They are also more likely to start a business. In
fact, nearly 20 percent of self-employed workers in the United States are
foreign born. Diverse skill sets and talents from across the world have
spawned innovation and job creation in this country for years, despite that
under 10 percent of visas are awarded based on economic criteria. Think of
the effects of making business central to the decision to award an immigrant
visa.”
This argument is central to an effective immigration reform. But it is often
hard for some to grasp. To illustrate what is at stake, consider the graph
(below). It contains three long-run projections of gross domestic product
(GDP). The central (blue) line is built off the main population
projections by the United States Census, combined with the
Congressional Budget Office’s long-term
economic projections.
The bottom (red) line, however, is the projected GDP under a scenario that
has zero future immigration. This has striking implications for the
future population of the United States. By 2060, the population is over
one-fifth (21 percent) smaller than in the main projection. The reduced pace
of population growth translates directly into a smaller labor force, reduced
employment and lower national income. The cumulative difference between a
United States with immigration and one without is $140 trillion in additional
GDP.
But the gain could be even greater. Suppose that visas are granted on the
basis of the potential to contribute to the economy (see one example of such
a reform here).
The result would be greater growth in not only the size of the population,
but also its productivity. The top (gray) line illustrates the additional GDP
that would result from the additional productivity.
That pro-growth impact is the foundation of conservative approaches to
immigration reform. As Congress considers major immigration changes, this
potentially bipartisan approach should be on the table.
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