The federal budget is,
charitably, a mess,
with the deepest problems located in fast growing mandatory spending (aka
entitlement programs). So in thinking about any reforms to the budget process,
one eye should be kept on ways to address unsustainable entitlement spending.
Such thinking is going on right now. The Bipartisan Budget Act of 2018
(BBA) created the Joint Select Committee on Budget and Appropriations
Process Reform (“the Committee”), a bipartisan, bicameral group
comprised of 16 members, equally divided between the House and Senate
and Republicans and Democrats. The Committee is required to report its
recommendations and legislative text by November 30, 2018.
One of the topics that has arisen consistently during the course of the
Committee’s hearings is moving to a biennial budget. As I noted in my testimony,
Congress had passed Bipartisan Budget Acts of 2013, 2015, and 2018. There is
reason to assume Congress will pursue another two-year agreement to cover
2020 and 2021. It strikes me as sensible for the Committee to consider building
on Congress’s ability to reach these recent multiyear budget
agreements, and for the Committee to institutionalize them
appropriately. In practice, this means adopting a biennial budget.
But if Congress passes a two-year budget resolution every other year, what
happens to other aspects of the process?
Given the name of the Committee, one thing that must be spelled out is the
process for appropriations. It seems sensible to retain the ability of Congress
to adjust appropriations to current priorities. In practice, that would mean
that the biennial budget would contain a two-year profile of caps on defense
and non-defense appropriations, but that specific allocations to the
Appropriations subcommittees and the appropriations themselves would continue
to occur annually within this framework. Public policy professor Joe
White echoed this view in his testimony before
the Committee.
Mandatory spending and taxes would continue to be dealt with by the authorizing
committees on a ongoing basis. But what about reconciliation —
the fast-track procedure that has the ability to change mandatory spending,
taxes, and debt? This might be the key to getting mandatory spending under
control. At present, reconciliation is possible only if the House and Senate
agree on a single budget resolution that contains reconciliation instructions
(and there is a single reconciliation bill for each of taxes, mandatory
spending and debt). That should probably continue to be the case for a biennial
budget resolution. And for symmetry with the appropriations process, it makes
sense to permit a separate reconciliation bill for each year covered by the
agreement, each of which could contain targets covering 1 year, 5 years, and
the entire 10-year budget window.
Taking this approach would permit Congress to signal its plan over the two-year
period, but the actual policy would require execution in each year. Longer
planning should not be confused with putting policy on autopilot, as the
autopilot nature of continuing resolutions and large mandatory spending programs are at
the heart of the failures of the current process.
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