Eakinomics: The
Green New Deal Meets the Swamp
When Representative Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal was greeted with
howls of protest over its massive upheaval of the economy and society, as
well as its astronomical price tag, many on the left
dismissed the concerns because it was merely a resolution – not a
proposed law – and did not represent the position of any party or
leadership. At roughly the same time, the House majority established the
House Select Committee on the Climate Crisis, which was assumed to speak on
the behalf of the leadership and party.
The committee has now spoken, releasing its report (which was written without
input from the minority). It is no less sweeping in its proposed impacts,
which are most easily grasped by a quick perusal of the “pillars” of the
proposal contained in the executive summary:
- Pillar 1: Invest in
Infrastructure to Build a Just, Equitable, and Resilient Clean Energy
Economy
- Pillar 2: Drive Innovation
and Deployment of Clean Energy and Deep Decarbonization Technologies
- Pillar 3: Transform U.S.
Industry and Expand Domestic Manufacturing of Clean Energy and
Zero-Emission Technologies
- Pillar 4: Break Down
Barriers for Clean Energy Technologies
- Pillar 5: Invest in
America’s Workers and Build a Fairer Economy
- Pillar 6: Invest in
Disproportionately Exposed Communities to Cut Pollution and Advance
Environmental Justice
- Pillar 7: Improve Public
Health and Manage Climate Risks to Health Infrastructure
- Pillar 8: Invest in
American Agriculture for Climate Solutions
- Pillar 9: Make U.S.
Communities More Resilient to the Impacts of Climate Change
- Pillar 10: Protect and
Restore America’s Lands, Waters, Ocean, and Wildlife
- Pillar 11: Confront Climate
Risks to America’s National Security and Restore America’s Leadership
on the International Stage
- Pillar 12: Strengthen
America’s Core Institutions to Facilitate Climate Action
In short, an all-encompassing revolution of America’s economy, society, and
institutions. Should work. No problem.
Yet without a way to undertake the massive legislation and rulemaking that
would be necessary to implement these pillars, the proposal would
remain merely aspirational. The rubber, however, meets the road in a
section buried on page 530 of the report. Here it notes that: “When a
federal agency uses its statutory authority to issue or revise a rule, such
as a pollution standard, the agency must conduct a benefit-cost analysis to
show that the rule’s intended benefits justify the costs. The U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has developed methods to quantify the
benefits of cutting pollution and protecting public health, such as
reducing acid rain and averting asthma attacks. In 2009, the Obama
administration launched an interagency working group to develop the Social
Cost of Carbon (SCC), an estimate of the ‘monetized damages associated with
an incremental increase in carbon emissions in a given year.’”
The report notes that President Donald Trump signed an executive order
nullifying the working group’s SCC. As a result, it is harder for the EPA
and other agencies to go forward with policies that reduce carbon pollution
because the benefits would fall short of the costs. The solution? Make the
benefits bigger! The report recommends that the next administration
“reconstitute an interagency working group to develop a new SCC.” This
really matters. According to the Columbia Center on Global Energy Policy,
“According to the Obama administration, the cost to society of putting a
ton of CO2 in the air in 2020 is $45 (there’s a range, but that’s the
central estimate). According to the Trump administration, it is somewhere
between $1 and $6.”
In the end “Solving the Climate Crisis” is not all that different from the
Green New Deal. It is still an effort that is too large and too broad to be
practical. As a result, the only way to make it remotely feasible is to
embellish it with a little good old-fashioned, swamp-style inside baseball.
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