Christen Linke
Young Monday, July 6, 2020 or media inquiries, contact: Shannon
Meraw SMeraw@brookings.edu 202.797.6414
The
Affordable Care Act, building on decades of prior law, took important steps to
establish a comprehensive regulatory structure that sets minimum standards for
health care coverage. Despite those achievements, it remains possible for
Americans to become enrolled in plans that do not meet the standards
articulated in the ACA. This analysis explores these gaps in regulation and
describes what can be done to close them.
We
define good health care coverage as a plan that reflects three key attributes:
it (1) covers a comprehensive array of health care services without regard to
individuals’ pre-existing conditions, (2) has a benefit design that ensures
consumers must bear only a reasonable share of health care costs, and (3) is
offered by a financially solvent entity within a stable system for pooling
risk. Federal law attempts to achieve these objectives, in partnership with
state insurance regulators, by regulating the benefits that employers provide
to their employees and the insurance products that carriers sell to individual
consumers.
Health
plans that don’t meet these standards are problematic for two reasons. First,
consumers enrolled in such plans can face catastrophic financial risk if they
have a significant health care need and may find their insurance of limited
value. This is a particularly acute problem in market segments that use “post-claims underwriting” to exclude coverage for pre-existing
conditions, since it makes it very difficult for consumers to
evaluate coverage before enrolling. Second, non-compliant plans can use their
low premiums to “cherry pick” healthy consumers away from broader and more
regulated risk pools. This allows healthy individuals to access lower-cost
plans (because they need not pool their risk with sicker people) but drives up
costs for everyone that remains in the regulated market.
Gaps
in the regulation of employer health coverage: There
are three major gaps in federal regulation of employer health plans. The
broadest and most significant is that while employer plans are subject to many
regulatory standards, there is no provision in federal law
that requires employer health plans to cover a comprehensive array of benefits.
Most employers do provide a fairly comprehensive package in order to attract
and retain employees, but even otherwise generous plans often exclude specific
services or drugs. Further, the ACA’s employer mandate incentivizes employers
to offer some form of coverage, even for low wage workers where a comprehensive
benefit package is not economically viable, which leads to some employers
offering extremely limited benefit packages. Indeed, some employers offer plans
that cover only the ACA’s mandated preventive services, and no other
benefits.
Second,
federal law defines certain kinds of employer plans as
“excepted benefits” and then exempts them from most federal regulation, even
when they resemble a traditional plan. In particular, fixed
indemnity plans are considered excepted benefits because they pay on a “per
time period” basis, rather than paying based on actual medical costs incurred.
But modern indemnity policies have developed detailed rubrics for
payment, paying specific amounts “per day” an individual receives a
particular health care service or “per month” they fill a prescription for a
specific class of drugs. This benefit can come to look very much like regular
health coverage, despite not being subject to otherwise applicable standards.
While systematic data are not available, there is ample anecdotal evidence of employers offering the majority of their health care benefit
through an unregulated fixed indemnity policy. A somewhat common approach
appears to combine a very limited regulated
plan (e.g. one covering only preventive services) with an excepted benefit
fixed indemnity plan that offers all other benefits subject to various
limitations and exclusions. Three other types of excepted benefits policies –
accident, critical illness, and (to a lesser extent under current regulations)
group supplemental coverage – could also serve the same function as fixed
indemnity plans in this arrangement.

Finally,
gaps in federal law enable small employers to avoid
risk-pooling provisions that are generally intended to ensure
pooling of risk across all small employers in a state. Small employers can
leave the insurance market entirely by choosing to self-insure, and vendors
across the country now sell “level-funding” plans that are stylized as a self-insurance
arrangement with reinsurance coverage but in fact look very
much like insurance. In addition, the federal government has attempted to
facilitate small employers buying their coverage through “associations” that
exclude them from the small group market, though some of those regulations have
been enjoined by a federal court.
Gaps
in the regulation of individual coverage: The
market for individual coverage also features significant regulatory gaps. Plans
that are subject to regulation are covered by a
comprehensive scheme that satisfies the three criteria for “good” coverage described
above; problems emerge from the many ways in which entities can offer coverage
outside of that framework. The most familiar problem in the current market
is short-term limited-duration plans. A provision in
federal law exempts short-term plans from regulation but fails to define the
phrase “short-term.” Current regulations take an expansive view, encompassing
plans up to three years in duration. These plans can discriminate based on health status, exclude or cap major
benefits, and impose very high cost-sharing, leaving consumers
surprised by very large bills and pulling healthy enrollees from the regulated
market.
Individual
market regulation also provides an exemption for excepted benefits, which creates a similar loophole to
that seen in employer coverage. New individual market fixed indemnity carriers offer benefit schedules
with thousands of different payment
amounts associated with receipt of specific medical services (with
amounts paid directly to providers, just like standard health insurance). Even
traditional carriers offer fixed indemnity benefits that pay on a highly
detailed rubric, which varies with the severity of the hospitalization or
outpatient service and the specific providers involved in care. Excepted
benefits for accident and critical illness policies offer the same potential,
and there is some evidence of misuse of accident policies. As with short-term
plans, these types of excepted benefit policies discriminate against those with
pre-existing conditions, leave consumers exposed to very high costs, and erode
the regulated market’s risk pool.
Another
gap arises because federal regulation of individual market benefits turns on
what is considered “health insurance” under state law. A benefit that looks
like health insurance and doesn’t fit into either of the regulatory exceptions
described above can still be exempt from regulation if it is not considered a
health insurance product that must be offered by a health insurance issuer
under state law. Some states deliberately engineer exceptions from federal regulation
in this way, using state law to classify health coverage offered by
their state Farm Bureau as “not insurance.” Other exceptions
arise more organically. When colleges and universities offer benefits to their
students without involving an insurer, i.e. self-insured student health
plans, the coverage is not considered insurance and therefore not
regulated under state or federal law. Health-care sharing ministries also offer
an unusual benefit structure that can often evade regulation, despite the fact
that their benefit looks very much like traditional coverage and is
not closely linked to shared religious beliefs or practices. Moreover, the
challenges associated with these benefit forms have worsened since the ACA’s
individual mandate penalty was reduced to $0. Just as these policies are
considered “not insurance” for purposes of federal regulation, many of them
were also considered “not insurance” under the mandate, thus deterring some
uptake while the mandate remained in force.
So,
what can be done? Policymakers can consider federal legislation, state
legislative or regulatory action, or federal administrative tools that do not
require new statutes.
Comprehensive
federal legislation: Federal legislators could close each of the
gaps described above. Specifically, comprehensive federal legislation would
take six steps:
·
Require employer health plans to cover
essential health benefits at a minimum actuarial value. This
will ensure that all employer health plans indeed offer a comprehensive benefit
package.
·
Redefine excepted benefits (in
both the employer and individual markets) to reflect benefits that truly
deserve exemption from federal law. Legislators should reshape the exemption
for the types of supplemental coverage most prone to abuse by requiring a truly
distinct policy form and by requiring that enrollees have another source of
coverage of all EHB. They should also limit excepted benefits to plans that are
not intended to duplicate, mimic, or supplant regulated benefits, to deter
future attempts to evade regulation.
·
End the exclusion of short-term
limited-duration insurance from the definition of health insurance
coverage. All plans should be subject to the same standards, regardless of
contract length.
·
Modify the federal definition of health
insurance coverage and health insurance issuer to
bring “not insurance” within the federal regulatory environment. Legislation
could define all non-employer benefits or payments for medical care as insurance
that must be offered by an issuer. This would require states to update their
own legislation but would preserve full state control over risk bearing
entities. Alternatively, federal law could allow “not insurance” to exist
outside the state-federal regulatory partnership but nonetheless directly apply
federal standards to these plans.
·
Limit stop-loss coverage so
that an employer arrangement will not be considered self-insurance unless the
employer bears significant risk. Existing model legislation from the National
Association of Insurance Commissioners could be updated and adapted to federal
law.
·
Codify provisions in federal regulations and
guidance that can limit some forms of abuse, including standards
related to association health plans and some limits related to insured student
coverage.
This
suite of reforms would generally ensure that any benefit that “looked like”
health coverage was subject to minimum standards. On its own, while these
policies would benefit many, they would also be expected to have negative
impacts on some stakeholders, such as increasing costs for some employers,
inducing other employers to drop health coverage rather than offer a
comprehensive benefit, and increasing premiums for individuals who currently
buy unregulated insurance. Other policy tools are available to mitigate those
consequences, and indeed, they will be the result of any attempt to close gaps in the regulation of
health benefits.
Options
for states: In the absence of new federal legislation, there are important opportunities
for states to take action to protect consumers and strengthen risk pooling:
·
Limit the reach of short-term plans,
either by prohibiting their sale, prohibiting pre-existing discrimination in
short-term plans, or limiting them to just 3 months.
·
Reign in problematic excepted benefit
policies. States can bar the sale of fixed indemnity, accident, and
critical illness policies that look too much like traditional health insurance.
They can also impose a requirement that enrollees carry other coverage. And
states can attempt to take enforcement action against the pairing of insured
fixed indemnity plans with very skinny traditional employer plans as a
violation of the prohibition on benefits that are coordinated with an
exclusion.
·
States should avoid enacting legislation
authorizing Farm Bureau plans.
·
Limit Health Care Sharing Ministries through
legislative and enforcement tools. State laws that exempt
HCSMs from regulation as insurance can be tightened or repealed, and states can
take enforcement action against fraudulent HCSMs.
·
Regulate self-insured student health plans and
stop-loss coverage. States can require that colleges and universities offering
self-funded benefits meet certain substantive standards, and they can prohibit
stop-loss plans with very low attachment points.
·
Regulate MEWAs to
limit fraud and insolvency in this market segment.
·
Oversee agent and broker conduct.
States can place limits on the ways that licensed agents and brokers sell
non-compliant forms of coverage.
Options
for federal regulators: Finally, just as states
have options in the absence of new federal legislation, so, too, does the
federal government:
·
Restrict short-term plans to less than 3
months. It would be straightforward for the federal government to
reinstate 2016 regulations adopting this limited definition.
·
Narrow the reach of fixed indemnity, critical
illness, and accident excepted benefit policies by
adopting a more detailed regulatory definition. While some regulatory
approaches are foreclosed by a 2016 court decision, other options remain available.
Specifically, regulators should require that these policies be structured in
ways that distinguish them from health coverage, rather than allowing them to
vary payments based on health care services.
·
Define “licensed under state law” broadly in
determining who is an issuer, limiting states’ ability to deliberately promote
unregulated forms of “not insurance.” Specifically, the federal government
could construe state authorization of
Farm Bureau products as a form of state licensure, bringing the plans under the
umbrella of existing law.
·
Regulate the conduct of brokers subject to
federal standards. Tens of thousands of agents and brokers, including major
online vendors, receive an annual certification from the federal government or
a state-based Marketplace that permits them to sell subsidized coverage through
the federal or state Marketplace. These certifications could be limited to
those who agree to limitations on the marketing and sale of non-compliant forms
of coverage.
Within
any given state, these tools have a more limited reach than the full toolbox
available to state regulators, but of course would have national scope.
The
author thanks Kathleen Hannick for superb research assistance and thoughtful
feedback on this work. Brieanna Nicker and Spoorthi Kamepalli also
provided valuable contributions.
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