Christopher
Holt July 26, 2019
This week saw the long-awaited arrival of the
Senate Finance Committee’s bipartisan drug pricing legislation. While the
package contained some particularly worthwhile reforms (including some
originally suggested by AAF), and some especially problematic provisions, one unappealing idea
for reducing drug prices was mercifully absent: arbitration. Also this week, however, a
senior aide to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi outlined the key components of
drug-pricing legislation House Democrats hope to consider after the August
recess, and arbitration is very much alive as part of that package.
Fortuitously, AAF hosted a panel this week on
exactly that topic with experts (including your dedicated Weekly Checkup
author) discussing what exactly arbitration is, and the merits—or lack
thereof—of applying it to drug prices.
Arbitration, simply put, is a legal means of
resolving civil disputes arising from failed negotiations. Democrats have long called for the Secretary
of Health and Human Services to be allowed to negotiate directly with drug
companies for lower prices. But even if the secretary could negotiate legally,
it’s not clear how much leverage he would have, short of simply refusing to
cover certain drugs for seniors. Progressive policymakers, recognizing
this reality, have come up with several ways to give the secretary more power
in negotiation, arbitration among them. In theory arbitration would kick in
after the secretary attempted and failed to negotiate a discounted rate on a
drug. The secretary and the manufacturer would each submit a proposed price to
an arbitrator, who would then choose between them.
Arbitration seems simple enough on the surface,
but there are a host of questions about how the arbitration
process would be structured. For example, how would the process be
triggered? It could follow attempted negotiation, but some have suggested
sending manufactures directly to arbitration without a negotiation process for
any drug with a list price over a particular (arbitrary) dollar amount.
Further, which of the several types of arbitration would be used? And how will
an arbitrator be chosen? Would the arbitrated price apply to Medicare Part D,
Part B, both, or even the commercial sector, as some activists have called for?
For a more thorough analysis of these and other questions, read my short paper
on the topic here.
But before we get too far into the
mechanics, we should consider whether arbitration takes public policy
in the direction we want to go.
Government negotiation and the use of
arbitration would reshape the federal government’s relationship to the market
and to its citizens. It would be a marked
repudiation of current practice, where the federal government typically does
not capriciously set prices for private sector goods just because of either
popular opinion or federal budget constraints. And it would chart a trajectory
for public policy that sets the government in opposition to the market, instead
of looking for ways to leverage those forces.
Before answering technical questions, therefore,
we need to ask the more fundamental questions about the implications of this
policy. Do we believe that
markets work generally? Do market forces lead to correct evaluations of value
and better outcomes? Or do we want a command economy directed by government
bureaucrats? The health care market is by no means a completely free and
unfettered market, but that does not mean we should actively erode market
forces. Government-directed arbitration would involve bureaucrats essentially
making decisions about the value of a prescription drug instead of patients and
doctors. The United States has avoided this approach up to now, and
there are good reasons to think it shouldn’t move this direction in the future.
https://www.americanactionforum.org/weekly-checkup/drug-prices-arbitration-and-leveraging-the-market/#ixzz5vBr0Wn6Y
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https://www.americanactionforum.org/weekly-checkup/drug-prices-arbitration-and-leveraging-the-market/#ixzz5vBr0Wn6Y
Follow @AAF on Twitter
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