The opioid crisis has taken
a tragic toll on American families, as well as harmed the economy by diminishing labor
force participation and output. It is now recognized that the crisis occurred
in two waves;
prior to 2010 the crisis centered on prescription opioids, while in more recent
years the challenge has been illegal, synthetic opioids (e.g., fentanyl). This
week the President’s Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) released a paper looking
at the economic foundations of the opioid crisis. It is an interesting read;
here I focus on the early years of the crisis.
The CEA paper makes a simple and very important point: “Out-of-pocket prices
for prescription opioids declined by an estimated 81 percent between 2001
and 2010. The falling prices were a consequence of the expansion of
government health care coverage, which increased access to all
prescription drugs—including opioids. We argue that these falling out-of-pocket
prices effectively reduced the price of opioid use not only in the
primary market but also in the secondary (black) market for diverted opioids,
from which most people who misuse prescription opioids obtain their drugs.”
Among the most important expansions of “government health care coverage” was
the implementation of the Medicare Part D (outpatient prescription drug)
program in 2006. Now it might seem silly to think that a program aimed at
seniors would contribute to a drug addiction problem in the working-age
population. But recall that Social Security Disability Insurance
participants, those with end-stage renal disease, and those dually eligible for
both Medicare and Medicaid are eligible for Part D. The first wave of the
opioid crisis was an era of rising
disability rolls (which have declined more
recently). Put simply, there were lots of potential customers for legal,
prescription opioids.
But as the CEA quote stresses, the issue is not just that the government
subsidy reduces the price and increases the
quantity of opioids prescribed. It is that
this initial lower price lowers acquisition costs for those
reselling in the “secondary” market for misusing opioids. The figure below
(Figure 9 in the CEA paper) shows that the black market was a
significant source of opioids.
Lower prices do not a crisis make, however. The CEA is careful to emphasize
that “falling out-of-pocket prices could not have led to a major rise in
opioid misuse and overdose deaths without the increased availability of prescription
opioids resulting from changes in pain-management practice guidelines
that encouraged liberalized dispensing practices by doctors, illicit
‘pill mills,’ increased marketing and promotion efforts from
industry, and inadequate monitoring or control against drug diversion.”
Stepping back, the larger lesson is that a subsidy in one part of a market
never stays in just that segment. It will spill over into the market as a
whole. For those objects of public policy that are desirable to be used (e.g.,
drugs) but susceptible to misuse, it is a reminder of the power of unintended
consequences of public policies.
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