The demand for long-term
care services is high and rising, while to date a patchwork of methods has been
used to finance these costs. So it is interesting to see South Bend mayor and
presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg offer a proposal for federal long-term care
insurance.
Long-term care (LTC) is the assistance with tasks the care-recipient cannot
perform independently or safely. LTC providers help the care-recipient with
Activities of Daily Living (ADLs), which are necessary activities like
dressing, eating, using the bathroom, and bathing. These providers may also
assist with Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs) such
as grocery shopping, meal preparation, house cleaning, and financial
management.
LTC is expected to be expensive. In its report Key Design Components and Considerations
for Establishing a Single-Payer Health Care System, the Congressional
Budget Office reported drolly, “Public spending would increase substantially
relative to current spending if everyone received [long-term services and
supports] benefits” but did not put a price tag on anything. It did note,
however, that single-payer systems in Canada and the United Kingdom did not
cover LTC.
There are three potential ways to finance long-term care. The first, which
remains the norm, is for care to be “donated” — typically by a family member.
The second is to have care delivered by the private sector and paid for by
government programs, largely Medicaid. Medicaid pays the cost of long-term
care for low-income seniors – a combination of those who have spent down
their savings while living in an expensive nursing home and higher-income
financially savvy seniors who have shielded assets in a way that qualifies
them for Medicaid. The final possibility is private care financed by
private insurance policies. Unfortunately, the private market has not proven to
be very robust.
The only previous attempt to provide LTC was the Community Living
Assistance Services and Supports (CLASS) Act, included in the Affordable Care
Act. Because the actuaries could not ensure the solvency throughout a
75-year period, the CLASS Act could never be launched and has now been
repealed.
What is new and different about the Buttigieg proposal? According to
Axios, “The cornerstone of Buttigieg’s plan is a stipend to help people cover
their long-term care costs — $90 per day, which the campaign says ‘would kick
in after an income-related waiting period.’” So, in contrast to an
open-ended CLASS Act or a single-payer system, this is a
defined-contribution approach that would cap the annual cost at roughly $33,000
per beneficiary. That’s a relief (sort of) for those worried about the
unsustainable federal fiscal outlook.
But what would it buy the beneficiary? According to the AARP report, Across the States: “In 2017, the median annual
cost of a nursing facility was $97,455 for a private room and $87,600
for a shared room. The base price for assisted living was $45,000. The
median cost for a home health aide to provide care at home was $22
per hour for 30 hours a week, for an annual price of $33,540. Adult day
services cost $70 per day; for an individual utilizing adult day services
5 days a week, the annual cost was $18,200.” It certainly appears
that the benefit is designed to cover the cost of a home health aide. The
individual would be at risk for the costs of any additional care that might be
needed.
The proposal addresses an important concern for a key portion of the
electorate. That’s smart politics. But it simultaneously stands in
stark contrast to the bloated over-promises of the progressive wing. That may
also prove to be smart political positioning. The only remaining question is
whether it would retain its minimalist, defined-contribution character if it
successfully transverses the legislative process.
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