Eakinomics: Considering
Cost in the Next Round of COVID Legislation
Guest authored by Gordon
Gray, AAF's Director of Fiscal Policy
As Congress lumbers its way toward divining the mix of your money to sprinkle
across a stricken economy, this week has predictably given way to the
usual posturing, speculation, and contretemps that are the modern
substitute for legislating. While we are likely a week or more away from
the denouement that that will be CARES II (or whatever), we already know
that cost is of greater concern at this stage in the federal response
than was the case in March. Whereas legislators collectively swallowed a
notional $2 trillion price tag for CARES, there is a somewhat diminished
appetite for the same level of fiscal support in this round of
legislation.
Given this constraint and the substantial costs attached to a number of
the policies reportedly in the mix, there’s only so much that can be
accommodated – with one possible wrinkle.
Recall that the CARES Act came in under the
headline $2 trillion price tag, primarily because the
Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated
that a substantial slug of the funding provided in CARES – $454 billion
to support lending by the Federal Reserve – would end up being repaid in
full. Also recall that, as CBO was careful to note, terms for the lending
had not been fully specified, and CBO had not fully analyzed the Federal
Reserve’s lending facilities. Indeed, it would be months before the
funds were tapped for lending. CBO also estimated that an additional $46
billion in credit support to air carriers and other key elements of the
nation’s aviation industry, would on net, cost the taxpayer only $1
billion.
These estimates were performed in April, however, and in the immortal
words of Stanley
Goodspeed, “Well…gosh, kind of a lot has happened since then.”
The Main Street Lending Program funded by Treasury’s equity stake has
started to lend, and, just this month, most major U.S. air carriers came
to terms with Treasury to tap the dedicated credit program.
Here’s the thing: The terms may be such that the credit risk varies from
what CBO assumed in April, which means the costs related to these
programs may be somewhat different as well. This is hardly a unique
phenomenon in cost estimating, particularly with credit
programs. As programs operate subsequent to their enactment,
changes in costs are recognized in CBO’s ongoing stewardship of the
budget baseline – which is essentially the best estimate of the status
quo of federal spending and taxing. Congress, by way of CBO, measures the
cost of legislation against this baseline. Thus, when the baseline
evolves, so too does the basis for assessing the costs of changing an
existing program.
This matters if Congress wants to rejigger the lending programs that it
already established and funded in CARES. CBO will assess these programs
against a baseline that reflects the operation of the program as it
presently stands – not against CBO’s April cost estimates. Thus, whereas
CBO estimated in April that the lending programs were effectively
costless, that will not necessarily hold true anymore. Depending on the
current outlook on these programs and what Congress may want to do with
these programs (if anything), the budgetary effects could appear as a net
cost or a net savings.
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