By Martha Bebinger,
WBUR SEPTEMBER 21, 2018
States
serve as “laboratories of democracy,” as U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis
Brandeis famously said. And states are also labs for health policy, launching
all kinds of experiments lately to temper spending on pharmaceuticals.
No
wonder. Drugs are among the fastest-rising health care costs for many consumers
and are a key reason health care spending dominates many state budgets —
crowding out roads, schools and other priorities.
Consider
Vermont, California and Oregon, states that are beginning to implement drug price transparency laws.
In Nevada, the push for
transparency includes the markup charged by pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs).
In May, Louisiana joined a growing list of states banning “gag rules” that
prevent pharmacists from discussing drug prices with patients.
State-based
experiments may carry even greater weight for Medicaid, the federal-state
partnership that covers roughly 75 million low-income or disabled Americans.
Ohio is
targeting the fees charged to its Medicaid program by PBMs. New York has
established a Medicaid spending drug cap. In late June, Oklahoma’s Medicaid program was
approved by the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to begin
“value-based purchasing” for some newer, more expensive drugs: When drugs don’t
work, the state would pay less for them.
But
around the same time, CMS denied a proposal from
Massachusetts that was seen as the boldest attempt yet to
control Medicaid drug spending.
Massachusetts
planned to exclude expensive drugs that weren’t proven to work better than
existing alternatives. The state said Medicaid drug spending had doubled in
five years. Massachusetts wanted to negotiate prices for about 1 percent of the
highest-priced drugs and stop covering some of them. CMS rejected the proposal
without much explanation, beyond saying Massachusetts couldn’t do what it
wanted and continue to receive the deep discounts drugmakers are required by
law to give state Medicaid programs.
The
Medicaid discounts were established in 1990 law based on a grand bargain that
drugmakers say guaranteed coverage of all medicines approved by the Food and
Drug Administration in exchange for favorable prices.
The New
England Journal of Medicine dives into the CMS decision regarding
Massachusetts and its implications for other state Medicaid programs in a commentary by Rachel Sachs, an associate
professor of law at Washington University in St. Louis, and co-author Nicholas
Bagley. They dispute the Trump administration’s claim that Massachusetts’ plan
would violate the grand bargain.
We
talked with Sachs about Massachusetts’ proposal and the implications for the
rest of the country. Her answers have been edited for length and clarity.
Q: Why
do you think states, such as Massachusetts, should be allowed to exclude some
drugs, a move the pharmaceutical industry has said would break the deal reached
back in 1990?
In our
view, there’s a way to frame it where the bargain has been broken and
Massachusetts is simply trying to restore the balance. The problem is that the
meaning of FDA approval has changed significantly over the last almost 30
years. Now we have a lot more drugs that are being approved more quickly, on
the basis of less evidence — smaller trials, using surrogate endpoints — where the state has
real questions about whether these drugs work at all, not only whether they are
good value for the money.
Q: You
suggest that Massachusetts could make a reasonable case if it chose to
challenge the CMS denial. How?
CMS did
not explain why it didn’t grant Massachusetts’ waiver. It needs to give reasons
for denying something that Massachusetts, in our view, has the legal ability to
do. CMS’ failure to give reasons in this case resembles their failure to give
reasons in a number of other cases that have recently led courts to strike down actions by
the Trump administration for failure to explain the actions that they were
taking.
(Note:
A spokeswoman for Health and Human Services in Massachusetts says the state is
not going to challenge the CMS decision.)
Q:
While CMS blocked the Massachusetts experiment, it has approved the value-based
purchasing plan in Oklahoma, and New York has capped its Medicaid drug
spending. Aren’t those signs of flexibility for states?
In some
ways, yes, and in other ways, no. New York passed a cap on state Medicaid
pharmaceutical spending. But once the state hits that cap, it doesn’t mean the
state will stop paying for prescription drugs. It just means the state is
empowered to negotiate with some of these companies and seek additional
discounts. They didn’t need CMS approval for this. New York doesn’t have the
ability to say “If you don’t take this deal, we’re not going to cover this
product.”
Oklahoma
is pursuing outcomes-based pricing, which is of interest. It’s the first state
to express interest in doing so. However, there are a lot of observers who are
skeptical that outcomes agreements of this kind will materially lower prices or
if they just provide companies cover to charge higher prices in the first
instance.
Q: So
what options do you see ahead for states given what happened in Massachusetts
with the Medicaid waiver?
Unfortunately,
states are quite limited in what they’re able to do on their own, in terms of
controlling prescription drug costs — both costs that are borne by the
state in its capacity as a public employer and its capacity as an insurer for
the Medicaid population. and then more generally for the many citizens who are
on private insurance plans throughout the state.
This is
a real problem, this concern of federal pre-emption where states’ ability to go
beyond federal law is often limited. So what we’re seeing now is more states
like Massachusetts and Vermont taking action that forces the federal government
to do something or say something. States are increasingly putting pressure on
the federal government because they know that their ability to act on this
problem of drug pricing is limited.
Martha
Bebinger, WBUR: marthab@wbur.org,
@mbebinger
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